The appointment of Alexei Komissarov as the rector of the RANEPA will affect the reshuffle at the top. The second part of a large investigation by about the situation at the presidential university. (First part).

Komissarov has no time for RANEPA. Being simultaneously engaged in big business, being on the boards of a number of largest companies, being also the general director of the ANO "Russia - the Land of Opportunities", it is difficult for him to decide whether such a busy leader will have time for the largest university in Russia and Europe. Of course, the growing dissatisfaction with Komissarov, seeping into the public field through comments and posts on social networks, does not go unnoticed and plays into the hands of apparatchiks from the Government, falling into the right ears and reports.

In this respect, the commentary by Presidential Press Secretary Dmitry Peskov about Komissarov leaves out important legal nuances. Reporting that Putin did not object to the appointment of Komissarov as the interim head of the university, Peskov noted that “the prospects for Komissarov to combine the post of rector and head of the School of Governors presidential personnel reserve program on the basis of the RANEPA will depend on him. Here it is very important that both do not slow down the pace of development.” At the same time, the charter of the RANEPA does not allow combining the position of the rector of the academy with another paid managerial position (except for scientific and scientific-methodological guidance) in the academy or outside it. Also, the rector cannot perform his duties part-time, which is actually observed now. Perhaps this is exactly what Peskov meant when he said that the choice depends on Komissarov himself: he will have to choose one thing. But is he ready to concentrate entirely on the rector's work?

In student publics, they are already joking about the promises generously handed out by Komissarov to improve student life even in the first days of appointment. Assessing the work of the new head of the university, students are surprised, not understanding “why Batman saved the whole city, when for the status of a superhero, it turns out that it is enough to put a cooler in the hostel and trumpet it in all corners. The only thing left is to continue to promise and skillfully avoid the out-of-town residents of the RANEPA Campus City - to run from them at an even faster pace than on the runs that our hooded presidential rector streams so often and with such narcissism. However, “a fairly common formula for success in bureaucratic circles is “promise and do nothing”, brought to comical perfection,” students of the Higher School of Economics, RANEPA respond.

Interest in the personality of Komissarov as a mentor of young people (and a shrink for their “retarded” parents) increased sharply after the approving and praising demonstration by Komissarov himself on the social network of brand new tattoos from his daughters. To the chagrin of Komissarov and his team of image-makers, the worldview of the workforce coincided with the views of those who in recent years are less and less willing to pay for educational services promoted by the academy under quite solid signs and slogans. This, of course, is about the “backward” parents of students who are guided by other values.

As for the team. After almost a third of a year from the date of appointment, acting. the rector, seeing the boss at work less and less, some subordinates note in the life of the RANEPA the transition from carelessness and slovenliness to manic narcissism. Others ask a rhetorical question, what does Komissarov spend more time on - on daily self-adoration in social networks, driving, steering wheel and other performances, or on solving problems that have accumulated at the presidential university? Komissarov himself recently answered this question in his telegram channel, shamelessly noting that over the past 4 months he managed to get to only 2 branches out of fifty. However, all this is typical for the portrait of an accomplished billionaire in education and science, and it is still difficult to imagine that he will hang for a long time in the most prominent place in the Presidential Academy.

According to a source, participating in Kiriyenko’s project to remove Mishustin from the post of prime minister, the fugitive ex-rector remains in the game with big cards in his hands, and his only visual loss from the club of the most influential liberals does not in the least reduce his combat potential.

In fact, Mau has not let the academy out of his hands at all, and the new rector is in the service of the old one. From a remote backstage, which became a popular refuge back in Soviet times, he not only advises, but gives instructions to Komissarov on the most complex and sensitive issues for their Kremlin curator Kiriyenko, leaving Komissarov complete freedom of action on other matters at the university, which the new appointee clearly not in a hurry to do it.

On the one hand, the image of an advanced manager unites in relation to Kiriyenko the sympathies of an important part of the systemic and non-systemic opposition, not only the liberal ones. On the other hand, it does not irritate the widest oev siloviki, lower and middle, in whose minds Kiriyenko is a statesman, under whom and thanks to whose support Putin was promoted as head of the FSB, and who throughout the years of Putin's rule remains a systemic, "his boyfriend" in high positions in the team of the president - a native of KGB (photo Kiriyenko represents the new head of the FSB). But it is precisely this policy of Kiriyenko to be “both ours and yours” even in the current situation, as well as Serey Vladilenovich’s dislike for people in uniform ever since they pushed him behind Putin’s back during Operation Successor, that have long created tension in Kiriyenko’s relations. and his teams with aksakals and other old-timers from the power bloc. Frictions with the people of Chemezov and Co. during Kiriyenko's work at Rosatom also make themselves felt.

Also, the participation of a Kremlin official in organizing a painless ejection from Russia of figures that have become toxic to the Kremlin - Dvorkovich, Chubais and others like him, the same Mau, did not go unnoticed.

The source of claims that the Chekists are especially annoyed by Kiriyenko's desire to monopolize influence on public opinion in the information environment: this is drawing the main Kremlin media curator Alexei Gromov into his orbit, and establishing special personal relationships with Dmitry Peskov. An important confirmation of these suspicions was the approval of his son, Vladimir Kiriyenko, in 2021 as the CEO of the technology corporation VK (the former Group), all despite Lubyanka’s warning requests and its plans to put a person under its control (Chemezov’s candidacy) at the head of VK. Therefore, it is not surprising that Kiriyenko occupies the top positions in the positive socio-political representation, significantly bypassing Mishustin and any member of the government, who are less and less visible in the media space.


It would seem, what does the RANEPA have to do with it, and what significance can a university have in the struggle at such a level of political Olympus? We received the answer to this question from one of the most influential graduates of the academy in the past. According to the interlocutor, after the takeover by the Academy of National Economy, headed by Mau, of the Russian Academy of Civil Service, the largest and most influential scientific and educational corporation of the management elite arose, not only in public administration, but also in business circles. These are hundreds of thousands of students and graduates and the most powerful branch network, integrating all plenipotentiaries and heads of regions in the “no tie” format. In addition, RANEPA is the only blacksmith of personnel with the status "under the President of the Russian Federation."

What is especially important, thanks to the efforts of Kiriyenko, the secret curator of the academy, the presidential university has turned into a platform for training an army of personnel loyal to the target figures, as well as a place of attraction for sislibs. One has only to remember the regulars of the Gaidar Forum - Medvedev, Chubais, Kudrin, Kiriyenko himself, a RANEPA graduate, and so on. It was in the bowels of the Presidential Academy that Kiriyenko inspired projects for the large-scale preparation of a column of his “sleeping” followers and their placement in various posts in Moscow and the regions arose.

According to a source, Kirienko’s widely promoted personnel projects administered by Alexei Komissarov within the framework of the ANO “Russia is a Land of Opportunities” (Leaders of Russia, etc.) are just the tip of the iceberg. Now Kiriyenko's team is developing a new format for the annual event at the RANEPA with the participation of the syslibs remaining in the country and the (un)publicly sympathetic stratum of the elite. The scale of the event should surpass the notorious Gaidar Forum, which has sunk into oblivion with the departure of Mau, and greatly add points to Kiriyenko's image. In addition, the protest movement in Russia in 2011-2013 exposed the huge anti-systemic potential of the restless youth, with whom the Kremlin and law enforcement agencies began to work with tripled energy. In recent years, the Presidential Academy has been given a special role in this process. The arrival of Alexei Komissarov at RANEPA in 2017 is connected with the same direction.


According to insider information from the FIRO RANEPA, the appointment of Andrei Polosin, a former subordinate of Kiriyenko, as Alexei Komissarov's deputy for ideological work is designed to increase the impact on the youth mass - at the university itself and especially in Moscow and large cities where RANEPA has branches. It is noteworthy that Polosin, like Komissarov, with the transfer to a key position at the RANEPA, will continue to work on the previous projects inspired by Kiriyenko in a new place. In particular, the source of noted the “DNA of Russia” project, which promotes in the minds of the public, mainly students, the foundations of Russian statehood in such a perspective, in which the core of this “DNA” quite clearly resembles an ideological platform and a portrait of the same high-ranking Kremlin official .

There is very little time left before the active phase of the presidential elections, so the apparatus struggle between the two influential structures, the Presidential Administration and the Government, will make itself felt. Taking into account the emerging during the race studying the details, it is already possible to assess the chances of the two camps not in favor of Mishustin. Despite the increasingly complicated internal political situation, the consolidated group of sislibs outperforms Prime Minister Mishustin, who has shifted towards the security forces, both in terms of actual possibilities in placing “their” figures and in lobbying for the decisions they need.

The appointment of Alexei Komissarov as rector, which was hard pressed by the AP in the Government, as well as the story of Komissarov's dissertation defended in advance at Moscow State University. Lomonosov is a clear proof of this.

It is no coincidence that defendants in criminal cases at the presidential university, as a rule, get off with only a slight fright. They know that behind them is a reliable cover from the Kremlin administration, and they also know how to work off the support provided. As our source in the power unit ironically noted, in the end, the detainees on the plane's gangway have only one option left - and this is the plane's gangway again. The recent story of Vladimir Mau's escape to Israel is a perfect illustration of this. There is every reason to believe that the prisoner Murylev-Sinelnikov will perform exactly the same feint.

Whether their companion Komissarov will need air tickets in the future, time will tell. Perhaps they will not be needed: it was no coincidence that he informed Putin that he was studying to become an airplane pilot and learned to fly against the wind.

In a previous investigation, talked about who else would be detained at the RANEPA. In particular, it was reported about the verification of the multimillion-dollar income of RANEPA vice-rectors Dmitry Butashin, Dmitry Arefiev and Maxim Nazarov, accrued annually outside of pay according to the staffing table. It is expected that soon the checks may lead to new arrests and criminal cases at the RANEPA under the new leadership.

Timofey Grishin

To be continued