The Cheka-OGPU and Rucriminal.info have learned of a covert mobilization that has begun in Russia. It's called "recruitment for the mobilization reserve." We've obtained a copy of the contract for this recruitment, and it's clear—it's a "trap" for subsequent deployment to war.
Earlier, on November 4, Putin signed a law recruiting citizen volunteers who have signed contracts to serve in the reserve to protect critical facilities and other vital infrastructure.
On paper, it all looks harmless and attractive: facility security, short training sessions, pay, status, and benefits. So attractive that the innovation has sparked heated debate, and chat rooms are full of volunteers, especially among veterans of the Central Military District and former security forces.
In reality, this is a full-fledged military contract. The contract is signed not with a company or a private security company, but directly with the Russian Ministry of Defense.
The document we obtained states that the head of the Aerospace Forces Academy is acting on behalf of the Ministry of Defense. The term is three years. The "volunteer" "undertakes to perform the general, official, and special duties of a reservist within the city of Moscow and the Moscow region" and bears financial and criminal liability.
The contract enters into force upon the order and is also terminated by order. The recruiters claim the document contains no clause regarding the possibility of terminating it "at any time." The grounds for termination are "in accordance with Russian legislation," which has recently become particularly prone to being amended to suit the needs of state security.
The advertising leaflets list the following information: allowance from 4,200 to 10,000 rubles. Payments for participation in training camps range from 31,300 to 150,200 rubles. The annual total comes to 52,600 to 252,300 rubles. They promise job security and an average salary, meals, medical care, insurance, and free transportation.
The "real" offer from the recruiter (who insists that you should rely on his credentials) is different and looks like this. The salary will be at the lower end, as they are only recruiting for enlisted positions (sergeants).
Therefore, the salary will be approximately 25,000-30,000 rubles. This will be supplemented by two average monthly salaries (for the entire period) from the organization where the reservist is employed. The recruiter promises to negotiate additional compensation from the company the volunteer contract soldiers will be guarding.
He names Tver as the location for the contract, but the facilities to be protected are in the Moscow region. The requirements for volunteers are minimal: age up to 52, at least a ninth-grade education, and fitness category A or B.
According to the recruiter, the process is as follows: after signing the contract, reservists must spend two weeks training in Alabino, followed by two months of service protecting infrastructure. In Moscow, he names the oil refinery in Kapotnya.
The main emphasis is on the fact that the contract can be "terminated at any time," as it differs from the standard contract for volunteers. However, the documents indicate otherwise.
The contract is strictly bound by military law and disciplinary regulations. Refusal to perform duties after being called up for training is no longer a civilian offense, but a violation of military discipline, with consequences that can include criminal liability.
To be continued
According to experts from the Cheka-OGPU and Rucriminal.info, the reservist scheme follows the logic of the first volunteer contracts for participation in the Second Military Operation.
"When the Ministry of Defense first began signing contracts with volunteers, they said they could terminate them at any time. Now this is no longer possible—a law has been passed, legally enshrining everything. Now they're recruiting reserves—and again they're saying they can leave at any time. The same thing is happening: they'll recruit more people, since there are far fewer infrastructure facilities than those willing to protect them, and then a decree will be issued that contracts cannot be terminated until the end of the Second Military Operation. Then, they'll carefully begin deploying them to combat operations "in the rear areas." And then, like in the joke where they didn't say which rear: the enemy's or ours?"
This comment accurately describes the essence of what's happening. In November, a law came into force allowing the use of mobilization reserves in peacetime—to protect critical infrastructure. The wording is extremely vague: "ensuring the security and operation of vital facilities." This covers everything from an electrical substation to an airfield. Today, a reservist might be sent to guard a thermal power plant or oil depot, and tomorrow, to a "support zone" near combat operations.
The main danger lies in the wording. "Infrastructure protection" is becoming a catch-all tool for bringing citizens under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Defense without declaring mobilization.
According to our sources, it is precisely through the policy on working with conscripts and reservists that the authorities plan to avoid a mobilization that would be detrimental to public sentiment.
On the one hand, conscripts are offered enticing conditions for signing a contract: for most of their service after signing, they are guaranteed not to be sent to the front lines, with all benefits and high salaries retained.
On the other hand, all the tools of pressure are being brought to bear. In some regions, prejudice and hazing immediately develop against "conscientious objectors." All this is part of an effort to create soldiers for the future.
And in the short term, perhaps as early as next year, reservists could be put to the sword—people who are potential volunteer soldiers in their own right, not ordinary citizens who were forcibly pulled from their families to the front.
