As it became known to, the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation approved the indictment and sent the materials of the case on the abduction of a large businessman Boris Minakha and his bodyguard to the Odintsovo court. Two interesting characters will appear before the servants of Themis. The first one is Batyr Bekmuradov - the head of the security service of the thief in law Zakhar Kalashov, nicknamed Shakro young. Batyr, along with his boss, was convicted of extortion, but now a new trial awaits him - on charges of kidnapping. The second defendant in the case is David Mirzoev, a relative, former partner, and "right hand" of billionaire David Yakobashvili.

Батыр Бекмурадов

Around this case, the "fight" was no less acute than around the case against the former investigator of the TFR Ruslan Miniakhmetov, and the heroes in both stories are the same. Mirzoev, first through the fixer Andrei Matus, and then directly closely communicated with the Directorate of the FSB of the Russian Federation, which, to put it mildly, was not interested in the investigation reaching the final. In turn, the investigation itself was conducted by the Investigative Directorate of the FSB of the Russian Federation, and it was within its framework that most of the materials about the receipt of bribes by the Miniakhmetovs were collected. And so the Prosecutor General's Office, quite unexpectedly, by the way, approved the indictment. The only thing left is to prevent the Odintsovo court from getting weird.

Давид Мирзоев

The essence of the story is as follows. Yakobashvili had a longtime friend and partner, Boris Minakhi, with whom they quarreled to the ground over a large grain elevator and a number of other assets. Yakobashvili was ill then and most of his affairs were handled by David Mirzoev. The latter had an assistant for criminal affairs, Batyr Bekmuradov, whom he sent as the head of the security service to his senior comrade "thief in law" Zakhar Kalashov. It was Bekmuradov's militants, on the go-ahead of Mirzoyev, who kidnapped a businessman, US citizen Boris Minakha and his driver on Rublevskoye Highway, and took them to one of the construction sites. Mirzoyev and Bekmuradov arrived there with false mustaches, beards and wigs (so that they would not be identified). They began to demand from Minakha to rewrite the shares of a large grain elevator. Minakhi promised to do everything, he was released and he immediately went with a statement to the police. The Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation began a pre-investigation check. At the same time, articles appeared in the media that Yakobashvili financed the protection of thief in law Shakro. Clouds were gathering around Yakobashvili and Mirzoev. The first one was at that moment in a Swiss clinic after a serious operation. The second preferred to leave for Georgia, from where he got in touch with Matus and offered to meet urgently, since problems need to be resolved. Matus established relations with the Directorate of the FSB of the Russian Federation and the investigator Miniakhmetov, who conducted the case against him.

Давид Якобашвили

As the VChK-OGPU telegram channel found out, Matus immediately went to these counterparties and announced that a large "client" had appeared, he smelled of big money, but he needed to travel to Georgia to communicate with him. As a result, Miniakhmetov returned the previously seized foreign passport to Matus, and, despite his recognizance not to leave, gave permission to travel to Georgia. There Mirzoev set two tasks for Matus: to interrupt the information wave about Yakobashvili's ties with Shakro and to make sure that the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation did not initiate a case on Minakha's abduction. The parties agreed that the two tasks would cost Yakobashvili and Mirzoev $ 650,000. The money was received and successfully put into action. In particular, a bribe of $ 100,000 was paid for the Ministry of Internal Affairs to issue a refusal order on the abduction. Later, the employee who received the money was fired. It was from these 650 thousand dollars that Matus took 150 thousand dollars for the purchase of a Jaguar F-TYPE convertible for the wife of Dmitry Ulyanov, the then FSB FSB officer. This car and two others (Lexus and Mercedes-Benz) given to Miniakhmetov were a bribe from Matus himself.

Руслан Миниахметов

          Mirzoev and Yakobashvili (he had been discharged from the hospital by that time) were very pleased with the work done and again called Matus to Georgia to deliver new tasks, this time with the direct use of the capabilities of Miniakhmetov and Ulyanov. And Miniakhmetov again gave Matus permission to travel.

This is how the two David defined the new task. Yakobashvili wants to squeeze from Minakha a large elevator and a number of other large objects (in fact, the entire business). The kidnapping of Minakha did not help, so it is better to do it through custom-made criminal cases. It is risky to plant Minakhi himself, since he is a US citizen and may be an international scandal. It is necessary to jail absolutely all of Minakha's entourage and top managers, including his wife (about 10 people in total). Then Minakhi himself will come to Yakobashvili and give everything he needs. David allocated 100 million rubles for the operation. Matus accepted the task and went with her to Moscow to Miniakhmetov and Ulyanov. He said that a new topic with a lot of funding has emerged. The investigator of the ICR quickly drew a scheme for promoting the "case of Minakhi": in the framework of the fraud case against Matus himself, he will testify that he is aware of major economic crimes committed by specific people (he will name people from Minakhi's entourage), and will say that Vorontsov (one of Yakobashvili's close associates) owns the full amount of information. Miniakhmetov will record all this, separate these materials into a separate production, they will be sent to the Investigative Directorate of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation in the Krasnodar Territory to initiate a controlled case, within which all Minakha's entourage will be sent to a pre-trial detention center. However, there was a problem. Miniakhmetov noted that his chief Rostislav Rassokhov (now the deputy head of the TFR) would not let such "leftist" materials be released and sent to Krasnodar. Ulyanov said that he himself has no influence on Rassokhov, but his head (at that moment the head of the 6th Service of the Internal Security Service of the FSB of the Russian Federation), Ivan Tkachev, has this, and he will resolve this issue with Rassokhov. And indeed, soon the materials went to Krasnodar, a case was opened there, and all the operational work was entrusted to the employee of the local UEBiPK Svashenko - the son of the acting deputy chairman of the regional court Sergei Svashenko at that time. Alexander Chernov, who was at that time the chairman of the court, is a close friend of Ivan Tkachev. Svashenko Jr. got down to work, rolling up his sleeves. Soon, dozens of searches were carried out simultaneously in all structures of Minakha in the Krasnodar Territory and in Moscow. There was even an incident. One of Minakhi's offices was adjacent to the reception of the deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Igor Lebedev (the son of Vladimir Zhirinovsky), where operatives accidentally burst into.

Operatives online sent photos from the place of searches (as a report on the work done) to Matus, who sent them to the "customer" - David Mirzoev. Yakobashvili was extremely pleased with what was happening. All this correspondence with the "reports" is in the "Miniakhmetov case."

Everything was going well until one remarkable event happened.

The investigators of the Investigative Directorate of the FSB of the Russian Federation, who were prosecuting the case of bribes to employees of the Investigative Committee of Russia for the release of the "authority" of the Italians ("right hand" Shakro), fell into the hands of Batyr Bekmuradov's audio archive. It turned out that the "authority" recorded absolutely all his conversations, both with representatives of the mafia and with representatives of business. Among other things, there were recordings of conversations with David Mirzoyev, during which they discuss the details of the abduction of Boris Minakha. As a result, the "wheel of investigation" began to spin in the opposite direction. FSB officers confiscated all the materials on the abduction of Minakha and opened a case under Article 126 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (kidnapping). Then they seized the material of the "ordered" case against Minakha's entourage. In December 2018, Matus was interrogated in the “Minakhi case”, who simultaneously told about other cases of bribes to Miniakhmetov and employees of the 6th Service of the Internal Security Service of the FSB of the Russian Federation. Along the way, Matus told everything he knew about the bribe for the ICR officer Mikhail Maksimenko for the release of the Italian. In the summer of 2019, FSB officers, as part of the case of Minakha's abduction, conducted a search in the capital's Yakobashvili Museum "Collection". The oligarch himself chose to go abroad after that. And he was there for almost a year, until he secured promises (not from the FSB Investigative Directorate) that everything would be fine with him. Then he returned to the Russian Federation. Official charges for the abduction of Minakha have so far been brought against the FSB Investigative Directorate Mirzoev and Bekmuradov. From the “Minakha case” and “Maksimenko case”, materials concerning Minakhmetov were separated into separate proceedings, but this case was blocked by the Prosecutor General's Office.

Mirzoev and Yakobashvili are now at war. When Yakobashvili was undergoing treatment for a serious illness, his relative fraudulently received large sums from his uncle, and also tried to appropriate a number of expensive real estate objects. This is now the subject of litigation and scandals.

 In particular, two fixer friends Oleg Pokrovsky and Vitaly Kachur (both friends of Mikhail Mishustin's former son-in-law Alexander Udodov and love to flaunt the name of the prime minister) were thrown by Mirzoev to solve all kinds of problems with law enforcement agencies, as well as the latter's son, Kirill. And the "pump" started to pump out money from Yakobashvili to solve both real and invented problems. Since the Kachurov family is primarily known as successful raiders, hundreds of millions of dollars worth of Yakobashvili's real estate were copied and stolen along the way. The latter, due to a serious illness, did not notice what was happening for a long time, and when he regained his sight he began to fight for the return of his assets. And then Kachury, Pokrovsky and Mirzoev decided to eliminate the "old man" by sending him to jail. For good financial support, they resolved the issue with the Internal Affairs Directorate of the Central Administrative District, which initiated a corresponding case. Yakobashvili was under the threat of arrest. And the billionaire in parting was still decided to dissolve for money. Pokrovsky proposed, out of old memory, to solve the problem with the Central Administrative District Department of Internal Affairs for $ 3 million. When receiving the first tranche, he was detained and sent to jail. Next, a case was initiated on the fact of fabricating a case against Yakobashvili. And then the "power swing" began, which has been going on for several months. Then the situation is close to the fact that all the participants in Yakobashvili's "promotion" and the security officials who actively helped them will be detained. On the contrary, the situation turns in such a way that the move will be mateserials on Yakobashvili and he himself will become guilty.


Timofey Grishin

To be continued