Mikhail Khodorkovsky said this week that in 1996 he paid a large bribe to the current special presidential envoy for relations with international organizations, Anatoly Chubais. Khodorkovsky, in an interview with Ukrainian TV presenter Dmitry Gordon, said that during the election campaign of President Yeltsin in 1996, big businessmen needed to convey to the head of state that they should not follow the plan of the power bloc and cancel the elections. “Who can convince Yeltsin? We figured it out and decided that Chubais could do it. We came to Chubais. He says: “Do you need? Pay. " Okay. How many?" - said Khodorkovsky in a conversation with Gordon. The businessman named the amount of two to three million dollars, stressing that they were paid to Chubais. After that, Yeltsin held a meeting with the oligarchs. Chubais said that $ 3 million received from Khodorkovsky went to finance the campaign headquarters he created, which was called the Center for the Protection of Private Property. The same Chubais was in charge of the headquarters and the Center.

Anatoly Chubais is not the first time he becomes a hero of high-profile revelations. In June 1996, at the height of the presidential election campaign, two key members of Boris Yeltsin's headquarters (headed by Anatoly Chubais), Arkady Evstafiev and Sergei Lisovsky, were detained. NRB officer Lavrov was also detained with them. In their hands was a "copier box" with the "shadow cash register" of the headquarters. Evstafiev and Lisovsky were detained by officers of the Presidential Security Service (SPB) of the Russian Federation, controlled by Alexander Korzhakov and Mikhail Barsukov. There was no doubt that Chubais' subordinates were caught at the moment when they were carrying money stolen from Yeltsin's pre-election treasury. And such a theft without the knowledge of Chabais was impossible. This story could be the beginning of its end. But Chubais, as always, got out of it. Together with Boris Berezovsky, Tatyana Dyachenko, Valentin Yumashev, he began to convince Yeltsin that in reality the detention of Yevstafiev and Lisovsky was a conspiracy. Yeltsin did not really believe, then Chubais went to open blackmail. In the recording of the negotiations between Berezovsky and Chuyais published by earlier, the latter retells Yeltsin's position: “It's okay, people who tried to steal money from the headquarters were detained and this attempt was stopped in time.” Chubais is indignant and openly begins to blackmail Yeltsin, declaring that in this case "your headquarters will stop working." Yeltsin replied that "since you are posing the question like an ultimatum, then look ...". Berezovsky fully supports Chubais's actions. As a result, Yeltsin is forced to come to terms with their version of events.

In the elections, Yeltsin whitewashed, and already in November he undergoes a complex heart operation. Soon after that, wiretaps with Chubais himself came out in MK, from which it follows that at first he wanted to hide the story with the Xerox box and, it seems, it really was the theft of money from Yeltsin's headquarters. Yeltsin is already president, the operation was successful and Chubais may well be removed from the throne. How events developed further can be found in the archive of wiretapping by Boris Berezovsky. Today introduces the reader to five conversations.

      The first is between Berezovsky and the then head of the presidential administration, Valentn Yumashev. Yumashev is extremely worried about the article about Anatoly Chubais, which should be published in MK. Yumashev wants to be removed from the room. Berezovsky replies that if it is in the room on Monday, then it is no longer possible to interfere, but if it is on Tuesday, then it is possible. Passes the phone to Zverev, who owns the question. Yumashev says that Tatyana Dyachenko called, worried. The material is published in MK. Zverev replies that he knows, but there is no one in the editorial office, it is already Saturday evening, if the issue is Monday, then it is already for sale. There are positions in the editorial office, he knows people. We must look for a newspaper now. Yumashev suggests that a signal copy from the editorial office is sent to the police department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Zverev promises to find out. Returns the pipe to Boris Berezovsky. He reports that in 2 hours he will fly to Omsk. The question is how Yumashev feels. He replies that he goes to work on Monday. Berezovsky asks how to find someone there (in Omsk). Yumashev replies that they will come to him themselves, Polezhaev knows everything.

On the second entry, published by, Berezovsky and Yumashev are talking again. As you can understand, the article in the MK still came out. And Yumashev gives Berezovsky regular party assignments, asks whether it is possible to insert into Dorenko's program today the idea that there is a "run over" to Chubais in order to break the core on which everything rests. He suggests that all the theses be formulated by Berezovsky himself. The point is that MK works for enemies. Make an appointment. Berezovsky says that he has a meeting with Zakayev and then everything needs to be discussed (plans for Chechnya).

  On the third entry, which cites, Berezovsky speaks with Sergei Dorenko and gives him detailed instructions on what a tale is needed about Chubais in the program. Follows exactly the instructions of Yumashev. MK is very detailed. Berezovsky explains how to humiliate MK. Dorenko guarantees an interview with Chubais. He says that the problem with Belarus came to the fore.

On the fourth entry, Berezovsky speaks with Chubais himself, they discuss the time of the meeting. In the end, Berezovsky asks for an interview with Dorenko, but Chubais refuses.

On the fifth recording, Dorenko reads out to Berezovsky a speech he had prepared in defense of Chubais.


To be continued

Yaroslav Mukhtarov