Last week, employees of the Perm Federal Security Service conducted searches at JSC "Perm Region Development Corporation" (KRPK) and ANO "Agency of New Technologies", owned by the regional Ministry of Culture. The regional government called the actions of the security forces too harsh.
The searches that took place are the result of a “war” between Governor Dmitry Makhonin and deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the region Ilya Lisnyak, who is outside Russia, but periodically sends documents from his investigations into Makhonin’s machinations to the competent authorities.
FSB officers also conducted searches at the Gubernya and Assistance XXI Century foundations, which are associated with the governor’s adviser Pavel Cherepanov. Thanks to Lisnyak, the embezzlement of charitable funds from these organizations thundered at the federal level at the end of July.
JSC KPRK, which has been headed by Alexey Burakov since 2020, reports to the regional Ministry of Construction. Dmitry Makhonin was appointed acting governor of the Perm region in February of that year, so Burakov is clearly the man of the head of the region. KPRK JSC has had no profit since 2020, although the company’s revenue for 2022 increased by 193%. Such financial results look suspicious and could backfire on Dmitry Makhonin.
The corporation has “subsidiaries” that are engaged in construction. The revenue of one of them, Dom 59 LLC, grew by 416% in 2022, and profit fell by 100% to negative RUB 179 million.
Through the Dom 59 company, budget money can be withdrawn to contractors with whom contracts worth 2.2 billion rubles have been concluded, but the contractors are not disclosed; such opacity creates the preconditions for theft.
Another “subsidiary” structure of Molot LLC, which is engaged in leasing and managing its own property, also does not disclose its contractors. This company is managed by Olympia-Perm Sports Complex LLC, subordinate to the regional Ministry of Sports. It seems that, based on the results of the searches, the security forces will go straight to the ministries of the government of the Perm Territory.
From 2021 to 2023, JSC KPRK was the owner of the construction company Okulova 4, which now belongs to JSC Development Fund of the Perm Region (FRDC) and the federal structure JSC Tourism Corporation of the Russian Federation. FRPC is subordinate to the regional Ministry of Property. This is another ministry that may come under the radar of the security forces.
The Gubernya charitable foundation regularly receives money; its profit for 2022 increased by 179%. Since the fall of 2020, the organization has been headed by Pavel Podgorodetskikh, apparently also Makhonin’s man.
In the near future, the governor of the Perm Territory will face a scandal with the Stroytransgaz (STG) company, which previously belonged to the oligarch Gennady Timchenko, and was then sold to its customer Gazprom.
STG miserably failed the reconstruction of the airport and Chusovsky Bridge. Concession agreements for these works were estimated at almost 19 billion rubles. Now Dmitry Makhonin is thinking about terminating the contract with Stroytransgaz. This scandal will definitely not add popularity to the governor.
The “attack” of security forces on government agencies subordinate to the ministries of the regional government is a serious call for Dmitry Makhonin and this is hardly possible without sanction at the federal level. Among those interested in Makhonin's departure from the region is Deputy Prime Minister and former governor of the Perm Territory Yuri Trutnev, whose son Dmitry runs a business in Perm.
Makhonin may also be disliked by his predecessor as governor, and now head of the Ministry of Economy, Maxim Reshetnikov. Rumor has it that in two years his team in Perm was completely purged. Most likely this is not the case. Deputy Ilya Lisnyak, who owns 70% of the media market in the region, was unlikely to build his business out of the blue without the support of the authorities. Everything that is happening in Perm now is another “squabble for the region between representatives of the Russian elite.
Dmitry Makhonin, who previously worked at the FAS, is considered to be a person of the former head of the service, Igor Artemyev, who maintains good relations with the head of Rosneft, Igor Sechin, and has more than once taken his side in the fight against Gazprom.
In addition to Yuri Trutnev, in Perm there are interests of another Russian heavyweight, the head of Rostec, Sergei Chemezov, who, through Dmitry Mazepin, controls Uralkali and Uralchem.
Chemezov might not have liked the fact that, with the connivance of Dmitry Makhonin, his friend, deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the Kirov Region, Konstantin Gozman, tried to get a defense enterprise for next to nothing - the Perm Federal State Unitary Enterprise "Mashzavod im. F.E. Dzerzhinsky". The case almost burned out, but in August the court terminated the deal.
Makhonin and Gozman liked the plant’s lands, which are adjacent to the territory of the former Perm Meat Processing Plant, which the Kirov deputy had already purchased. His company could build a residential complex on this site. However, it didn’t work out.
The plant went to Konstantin Gozman for 725 million rubles, although it costs 3 billion rubles. And Sergei Chemezov was probably stunned by such impudence in a region that he considers his patrimony. The head of Rostec - too a master of “sawing” defense factories, as the media have repeatedly written about.
Information has already appeared that in the actions of the bankruptcy manager of the FSUE Mashzavod im. F.E. Dzerzhinsky" by Lev Shlyapin and Dmitry Makhonin, personal interest is evident. And this may also become the subject of investigation by security forces.
It is interesting that Shlyapin is also the bankruptcy manager of the Podolsk Electromechanical Plant and the M.I. Kalinin Plant, located in the Leningrad region, which produces weapons and ammunition. FSB officers may be interested in whose interests Lev Shlyapin is acting in these regions.
Judging by the searches that have taken place, Dmitry Makhonin will not be left alone and, at best, he may hold out until the presidential elections. Unless, of course, he does something strange, like with the Dzerzhinsky plant. The best option for the governor is to write a letter of voluntary resignation. Maybe this will earn Sergei Chemezov’s forgiveness.